EU dictate or democratic crisis ? AUR's parliamentary strike after Georgescu's expulsion shakes Romania

On March 12, 2025, George Simion, president of the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR), a sovereignist party, announced that all the party's deputies and senators would start a “parliamentary strike”. The decision comes in support of Călin Georgescu, an independent politician, unsubstantially labelled as pro-Russian by the mainstream media, whose candidacy for the 2024 presidential election has been invalidated by the Romanian Constitutional Court. Georgescu, who won the first round of the election with 22% of the vote in November 2024, faces, although he is still presumed innocent, criminal charges for illegal campaign financing, spreading false information and unconstitutional acts, according to Romanian prosecutors in February 2025. The court annulled the election after revelations of foreign interference, including via 800 TikTok accounts linked to Russia supporting Georgescu. What is happening to Georgescu is astonishing, to say the least, because Laura Kövesi, who is the subject of several complaints in Romania and Belgium, is still working at the European Public Prosecutor's Office without the Romanian Parliament having been informed that she is the subject of a criminal complaint in Belgium.

The AUR, the second largest political force in the Romanian Parliament since 2024, is fiercely opposed to this decision, saying it constitutes an “attack on democracy”. The parliamentary strike means that AUR MPs will stop participating in plenary sessions and parliamentary committees, a symbolic but potentially disruptive measure for the country's legislative functioning.

Why this Strike?

The AUR justifies this strike as a demonstration of solidarity with Georgescu, whom it considers a victim of an “institutional abuse” orchestrated by the Romanian state, perceived as aligned with the interests of the European Union (EU) and NATO. According to a press release issued by the AUR, the party claims that “the deep state is trying by all means to seize total power” and denounces “the dictatorship established by certain state institutions”. The party describes the Constitutional Court's decision as “abusive”, saying it has dealt “a further blow to the real opposition in Romania and to the patriotic candidates”. The AUR also criticises “the political gangsters who control the Romanian state”, including ruling parties such as the Social Democratic Party (PSD) and the National Liberal Party (PNL), which it accuses of maintaining a “corrupt establishment” for 35 years. For Simion and his supporters, this strike marks “the beginning of an unprecedented mobilization” to defend “the future of the Romanian nation and state,” assuring that “Romanian patriots will not remain without political representation.”

The party also criticises Romania's military support for Ukraine in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, adopting a pro-Russian position that contrasts with Bucharest's official line. For the AUR, this strike is a way to protest against what they call a “dictatorship” and to defend “national sovereignty” in the face of international pressure.

Consequences for Romania

Although the AUR does not have a majority in Parliament, this strike could slow down some legislative activities, especially if critical votes require minimal attendance or consensus. In Romania, the Parliament has a total of 466 members (329 deputies and 137 senators). The AUR, as the second political force, has 63 parliamentarians (about 18% of the total), which makes it a significant player with strong growth compared to 2020. However, its impact may be more symbolic than practical, as the AUR, while influential, does not have dominant decision-making power. Politically, this action risks accentuating the already deep divisions in Romania, an EU and NATO member country facing a rise in sovereignty and geopolitical tensions linked to the war in Ukraine.

On the social level, the strike could mobilize the sovereignist bases of the AUR, fueling demonstrations already underway since the cancellation of the election. Thousands of Romanians protested in Bucharest and other cities, demanding the invalidation of the Constitutional Court's decision. This polarization could also weaken the country's political stability, already tested by economic crises and growing distrust of institutions. The AUR, in its statement, insists that this strike is “not the end of our struggle, but the beginning of an unprecedented mobilization against the dictatorship established on December 6,” referring to the cancellation of the presidential election.

The AUR's actions in Parliament

Before announcing this strike, the AUR played a very active role in opposition in the Romanian Parliament. Since its strong entry into force in 2020, with 9% of the vote in the legislative elections, and its growth to become the second force in 2024, the party has used its parliamentary presence to promote a sovereignist agenda. Its actions include the tabling of bills to strengthen the rights of Romanians and Romanian minorities in neighbouring countries, as well as measures to limit the influence of the EU and NATO on Romanian politics. The AUR has also organised debates and motions criticising military support for Ukraine, accusing the government of compromising neutrality and national security. His frequent interventions in plenary and committees, often marked by inflammatory speeches, polarised the hemicycle, attracting both fervent support and sharp criticism from the traditional parties.

Reactions in Romania

Some supporters, such as those expressing support on X (Twitter), hailed the decision as an act of courage, saying Georgescu represents “the real president of Romania”. Comments on social media show fervent support, including from figures like @SatoshiBroker and @AB, who praise George Simion and the AUR for their opposition to “dictatorship.” The language of the AUR communiqué, describing a fight against “political gangsters” and “the Deep State,” resonates strongly among these bases, reinforcing their belief that this is a battle for “national sovereignty.”

Other users, such as @DolhascuM30861 and @Adrian, denounced the strike as “unnecessary” and “irresponsible,” arguing that elected parliamentarians should work for the Romanian people rather than boycott their functions. Some, without supporting evidence and repeating the messages of the mainstream media, accuse the AUR of promoting pro-Russian agendas.

The ruling parties, such as the Social Democratic Party (PSD) and the National Liberal Party (PNL), have criticised the AUR, calling the strike a "populist manoeuvre” and a “threat to democracy”, without having really commented on the anti-democratic decision to prevent Georgescu's candidacy. The government could seek to minimize the impact by speeding up legislative processes or further marginalizing the AUR in the political arena, while rejecting the AUR's accusations of a “corrupt establishment” in its statement.

Precedents of parliamentary strikes in Romania and abroad

In Romania, parliamentary strikes are rare, but boycotts or mass absences have taken place in the past, often in contexts of political crisis. For example, in 2012, opposition MPs boycotted sittings to protest controversial constitutional reforms. However, a formal and prolonged strike such as the one announced by the AUR is unprecedented, reflecting an escalation in protest tactics.

However, parliamentary strikes or boycotts have been observed in several democracies, often as a tool of protest. In 2019, British MPs boycotted sessions to oppose Brexit, and in 2013, Turkish opposition MPs walked out of the National Assembly in protest against restrictive laws. In Russia, boycotts have been used by opposition parties under Putin, but with little impact in the face of the Kremlin's dominance. These examples show that such actions can attract attention, but their effectiveness depends on the political context and parliamentary structure.

International reactions to the rejection of Călin Georgescu's candidacy

The decision of the Romanian Constitutional Court to invalidate the election and reject Georgescu's candidacy has provoked mixed reactions internationally:

• EU institutions, such as the Commission and the Parliament, welcomed the decision as a defence of the rule of law, but called for greater transparency in Romania's electoral process. Officials have expressed concerns about Russian influence in Eastern Europe, seeing the cancellation as a necessary response to a hybrid threat.
• Washington and NATO allies have backed Romania, stressing the importance of countering Russian interference, including via social media. However, some conservatives in the United States, close to the Trump administration, criticized the decision, seeing Georgescu as a potential ally against the “globalist elites.”
• Moscow denounced the cancellation as a “violation of democratic rights,” accusing the West of manipulating Romanian politics. This position reinforced suspicions of Russia's active support for Georgescu, including through disinformation campaigns on TikTok.
• Countries such as Poland and the Baltics have supported Romania, sharing similar concerns about Russian influence, while far-right parties in Hungary and Slovakia (such as Fidesz and Smer) have expressed sympathy for the AUR and Georgescu, criticizing the EU as “anti-democratic.”
• In France, there was no reaction from President Macron.
   

The AUR's parliamentary strike illustrates a deep political crisis in Romania, exacerbated by geopolitical tensions and a rise in nationalism. While symbolic, this action could deepen internal divisions and complicate legislative cooperation. Internationally, the decision on Georgescu is seen as a victory for the rule of law by Western allies, but it is fuelling tensions with Russia and populist parties in Europe. Romania's political future will depend on its ability to navigate between these internal and external fractures, in a context where democracy itself is being tested, as the AUR points out by denouncing a “dictatorship” imposed by corrupt institutions.